Since Ethiopia’s ruling party (EPRDF) came to power in 1991, countless Oromo activists, students, professionals, academics, farmers, and businessmen have disappeared, been imprisoned, tortured, or unjustly executed. While the State’s tight control of information has not allowed for reliable statistics, the number of Oromo political prisoners currently languishing in prisons across Ethiopia is estimated to be more than 20,000. In today’s Ethiopia, every dissenting Oromo is branded as an OLF sympathizer, and by extension, a terrorist, to an extent that being an Oromo itself has becomea crime in Ethiopia. Analysts warn Ethiopia is turning into a "prison house" for Oromos, citing stockpiles of prisoners around the country.

For the selfless sacrifice each one of them has made in the name of freedom; for speaking truth to power when it was least convenient; for being a voice for voiceless Oromos; and for choosing cold and grim prison cells over thesafety of life in the diaspora, Oromo Political Prisoners are OPride’s Oromo Persons of the Year for 2012.

Background: 
The Oromo people make up nearly 50 percent of Ethiopia’s population, estimated at 94 million. The current ostentatious ethnic federalism, aside from allowing for linguistic and cultural promotion, has done little to improve the political marginalization of the Oromo within the Ethiopian state. Even the types of cultural celebrations allowed are tailored to the liking of the ruling party. For instance, the 2012 annual Irreechaa celebration was accompanied by strict checkpoints. At least 150 were arrested and as many were turned away from the celebration.

Although the Oromo language, one of the five most widely spoken languages in Africa, is the lingua-franca of Ethiopia, there is no single media outlet, other than the government-run agitprop, that caters to the Oromo in their language. There is very little that makes for international headlines about the Oromo. When the Oromo make news, it is usually for another round of arbitrary arrests or a sham verdict handed down to Oromo activists or politicians by the Horn of Africa country's kangaroo courts.

Following the withdrawal of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) from the transitional government in 1992, the threat of arrest and lack of freedom has forced many Oromos into exile. For the last two decades, the Oromo diaspora, as Oromo expats are affectionately called, have sought to raise awareness about the agonizing lives of those left at home. The OLF, for its part, remotely tried topressure the Ethiopian regime to relinquish power or negotiate with them. But given the chaotic nature of diaspora politics, these efforts, despite heavy sacrifices, have failed to swing the balance of power against Ethiopia's repressive regime; thousands remain illegally detained, some suffering in jail without facing charges, others unjustly convicted under trumped-up evidences.

Notable Oromo Political Prisoners

Without a face and name, 20,000 are nothing more than a number. Each one ofthese prisoners – and many more known only to God – have lives full of stories to be told. Stories of young students, full of hope and dreams, who walked miles to get to school for a chance at a better life than their parents had led. A young father who wanted to leave his children a more just and free world than the one he grew up in. A political leader who wanted the country’s constitution applied equally to all, regardless of ethnic origin, religious orientation, or political affiliation. Young activists who dreamed of a day when all persons in Ethiopia are treated with respect, fairness, and dignity. These are just some of their untold stories.

We do not have the means and access to profile all of them. But in the spirit of profiling a few of these courageous individuals even if by putting faces to some names and stories to some numbers, we have gathered a few from around the web. Their stories are a reminder that these prisoners are much more than merely numbers; they are Oromo men and women who are continuously and unjustly robbed of their freedom to a dignified life.

Wabe Haji Jarso, a father of three and alumnus of the Addis Ababa University Law School, was born and raised in the Arsi region. After graduating from AAU in 1993, Wabe, who previously served in the Ethiopian Air Force prior to attending law school, was assigned to a high court in East Oromia. He was eventually fired from the bench in 1996 after repeatedly differing with and criticizing other handpicked judges in sentencing Oromos, especially those accused of having links to the OLF. He then briefly worked for the Ethiopian Insurance Corporation and later the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia until his arrest on Oct. 31, 2008. He is now serving a 12-year sentence.

Former classmate Tibebu Yilma described Wabe as follows:

Wabe was a quiet, apolitical, farsighted, and very considerate member of our class. He was the voice of reason and magnanimity. For these noble qualities, we all loved, respected and admired him.

Taye Danda’a Arado:Born in North Shawa, Kuyyu district, Taye attended both elementary and high school in the town ofGarba Gurraacha,155km north of Addis Ababa. As a high school student, Taye was instrumental in starting a school journal called Ibsitu and convincing school authorities to allow the establishment of an Afaan Oromo club.

Taye was arrested three days before his graduation from Addis Ababa Law School, where he also had a teaching job offer. First detained with Macha Tulama Association members in early 2004, Taye was released in late 2006 without any conviction.

According to Oromo Support Group, a UK-based Human Rights organization, Taye was a member of the Afaan Oromo Club, the Union of Oromo Students, and worked on the Oromo Students Graduation Bulletin, a yearbook published by graduating Oromo students. Plain-clothed security officers arrested him again on July 23, 2009 along with Bayisa Dhaba Lata and Muse Ali. He is now serving a ten-year sentence. Taye was seen as inspiration and role model for his peers in Garba Guraacha.

Lelisse Wodajo, amother of three, was a former journalist with the government-run Ethiopian Television (ETV). She was arrested on Nov. 14, 2008 for alleged links to the OLF. Her recent appeal to the Supreme Court was overturned and she is now serving a ten-year sentence. After her husband, Dhabasa Waqjira, sought asylum abroad after being released from detention, Wodajo’s kids are left without parents.

More on Lelisse and other Oromo journalistshere.

Mesfin Abeba Abdisa and Tesfahun Cameda Gurmesa, both civil engineers, were abducted by Kenyan security forces and handed over to Ethiopian authorities on May 24, 2007 while in Nairobi seeking UNHCR protection. They were “kept in a hidden prison and tortured for more than a year” before they were transferred to Kalitti prison in Addis Ababa, according to OMRHO, a German-based Oromo Rights group. On Mar. 31, 2010, Ethiopia’s court gave Mesfin the death penaltywhilst Tesfahun received a sentence of life imprisonment.

Bekele Gerba, a father of four, was born in the village of Gida, near Boji Dirmaji. He taught English at Alemi Teferi in Dembi Dolo and Najo High Schools before moving to the capital to finish his PhD. He was arrested on Aug. 27, 2011 four days after meeting with an Amnesty International delegation in his capacity as a leader of a legal opposition. He was sentenced to eight years in prison on Dec. 11, 2012, after refusing to seek leniency from Ethiopia’s kangaroo court and giving an iconic indictment of its mockery of justice.

Olbana Lelisawas born in West Shewa, Goro Sole, where he attended High School. Olbana, who worked as an agricultural specialist for the local government, was pushed out of his job after running on the opposition Oromo People’s Congress (OPC) ticket in the disputed 2005 election. Olbana was elected to Caffee Oromia, the regional parliament where he served as MP until 2010. A passionate advocate of justice, he was known for his frequent trip to central prisons to speak with prisoners. He often granted interviews to international media such as the Voice of America. After the ruling party won the 2010 election, Olbana worked at OPC’s Finfinne-branch as political strategist and community organizer. Olbana, along with Bekele Gerba was arrested on August 27, 2011, a day after meeting with representatives of Amnesty International. He was sentenced to 13 years in prison on December 11, 2012.           

Disappearances:

Bekele Dawano Hebano, a geologist, was arrested on Oct. 25, 1992 and tortured at the military camp in Dodola. He was a graduate of Addis Ababa University and held a master’s degree from a Dutch university. Bekele was a senior OLF official in the transitional government and was among the 20-45,000 OLF supporters who were detained in late 1992, within months of the OLF leaving the transitional administration because of electoral abuses. He disappeared while in detention in 1993 from Agarfa prison, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, which documented his detention. He was last seen on Sep.14, 1993 at Agarfa, being escorted away from the prison centre by heavily armed men. Efforts made by his family to locate him have thus far been unsuccessful.

Oromo Support Group: http://bit.ly/bekeledawano

LAMMESSA BORU:One of the founding members of the Macha Tulama Association and the OLF, Boru was imprisoned for seven years under Emperor Haile Sellasie, spent ten years in prison under Mengistu Haile Mariam, and was finally kidnapped by the TPLF forces in September 1992 while undergoing treatment at the Police Hospital in Finfinne. He has not been seen since.

YOSEF AYELE BATI: Unidentified security officers arrested Yosef, a former schoolteacher from the Bale region in southern Ethiopia, on Nov. 27, 1992 in Addis Ababa. Bati’s family has searched all police stations and prisons in Addis Ababa but has never seen him since. Prior to his disappearance, he was still in poor health as a result of torture and ill treatment during a 10 years' detention under the brutal government of Mengistu Haile Mariam. Like Yosef, thousands of members of the Oromo ethnic group had been tortured and detained without charge or trial under the Mengistu government for suspected involvement with the armed opposition Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Yosef then fled to Kenya and stayed under the protection of the UNHCR until the fall of Mengistu’s regime.

After the downfall of the Mengistu government in 1991, the OLF joined the transitional government. But in 1992, following the establishment of a new government headed by President Meles Zenawi, some 25,000 suspected OLF members were detained. They included both members of the OLF armed militia force and civilians, among them women and children. Most were released in early 1993 but nothing has been heard of Yosef Ayele Bati. Hundreds more Oromos were detained during 1993. Amnesty International believes that many are prisoners of conscience detained due mainly to their peaceful opposition to the government, although others may have been involved in violent opposition.

Amnesty International: http://bit.ly/yosefbati

Nadhi Gamada: Born in Ziway, south central Oromia, he studied pharmacy at Addis Ababa University. One of the most charismatic and beloved leaders of the OLF, Nadhi was detained in 1994 by the Ethiopian security forces with a tip from another prisoner who was forced to disclose his whereabouts from torture. A report attributed to Hassan Ali, the President of the Oromia regional government at the time, later alleged that Nadhi was executed at the spot--somewhere at the intersection of three provinces--Arsi, Shawa, and Western Hararghe. Little is heard from him or the authorities since. There was a report that he was held in Mekelle, capital of Tigray region. According to some other reports, he was still being held at the notorious Maikalawi central prison.

The Unknowns: 
The prisoners profiled above are but a few whose names are available publicly. Countless others remain imprisoned, whose sacrifices and names are known only to God. They are the real heroes, and unjustly incarcerated for exercising their inalienable rights – rights that are theoretically protected in the pages of Ethiopia’s constitution.

Runner-ups: 
OPride operates under the belief that our people’s progress is best aided by celebrating the best in us rather than dwelling and brooding on our shortcomings. Our heroes are not flawless angels but rather men and women who err while striving to uplift the noble in us, all the while learning from their trials and tribulations, and putting to use their talents and energies to advance the common well-being of Oromos in a way they deem fit. Indeed, they are mortal souls who stumble and fall yet prevail by getting back up and moving relentlessly forward towards the true north –– for the political, economic, and social emancipation of their people.

Accordingly, the annual POY honor is bestowed on deserving Oromo individuals who make an outstanding contribution to the Oromo cause by demonstrating dedication, leadership, and commitment to the advancement, promotion, and development of Oromo culture, language, or politics during the last twelve months. As in previous years, OPride received many suggestions on such individuals in our communities.

Here’s a shortlist:

Obse Tadesse Lubo: Lubo was born in Najo, western Oromia, to uneducated parents. After emigrating to the U.S., Lubo studied nursing in Minnesota. She later moved to central California where she joined other good Samaritans to give the gift of improved health to those most in need back in her hometown of Najo. She makes annual medical trips. She has sent a full-cargo of medical supplies to the Najo hospital. She has inspired the formation of a local support group which mentors and coaches young students at Najo public schools to volunteer and give back to their society. This year, she accompanied three critically ill children to India for a lifesaving heart surgery. She then spent two weeks volunteering in Najo. Lubo’s selfless commitment is an inspiration to many, including OPride staff; if each of us could pay it forward, however small the initiative, the world would be a much better place.

Lencho Lata Waqayo: There is no one more controversial than Lata in Oromo politics.Trained in the U.S. as a chemical engineer, Lata is part of the generation that wrote the OLF political program. During the organization’s formative years, Lata was instrumental in articulating its visions and strategies. He is the sole survivor from the first OLF leadership installed in 1977. He served as the organization’s Deputy General Secretary until 1998.

After serving as “advisor” to the OLF, Lata was dismissed from the organization earlier this year. His announcement last May of intentions to engage the Oromo by rearticulating the objectives and strategies of the Oromo struggle remained one of the major preoccupations for diaspora politicians. Lata, who had written two books on the subject, has been both praised and scrutinized in the past for his advocacy to democratize Ethiopia. While demonized by his detractors, Lata is seen as the most eminent Oromo leader.

Over the last decade, Lata’s person, service, and motives were subjects of relentless, malicious, and unwarranted attacks. A true original, Lata’s intellect, eloquence, resilience, and sense of humor are unequaled. Listening to him, one comes home after taking a glimpse, even if a fading one, into the greatness that was OLF, a greatness that is being corroded under the weight of incivility, false posturing, mediocrity, ineptitude, and senselessness. Observers say Lata’s Oromo Dialogue Forum may soon transform into a political movement. For reawakening quiescent Oromo diaspora politics and even indirectly pressuring two rival OLF factions to unite, Lata is OPride’s runner up for Person of the Year 2012.

Gudata Sado Hinika: Dr. Hinika’s remarkable journey is full of surprises. Hinika came to the U.S. narrowly escaping a required military service under the Dergue. He then put himself first through community college, and later medical school to become one of the most successful trauma surgeons in southern California. That’s not all. He too never forgot a dream that was seared into his mind at a young age: seek light beyond the sea but don’t forget where you came from. His philanthropy has already put many Oromo students through school. He has built elementary, junior, and secondary schools in his former village of Gode.

Hinika is now building a medical school and hospital – the first of its kind - in south-central Oromia. Earlier this year, the UN Association of USA honored Hinika with the Global Citizen Award for “establishing sustainable healthcare and education systems in rural Ethiopia.” His inspiring journey from rural Oromia to southern Los Angeles is poignantly captured, much better than we could write here, in his recently published memoir: The Healers Light. We encourage you to purchase and read his book: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/horn-of-africa/3628

Jawar Siraj Mohammed: The Ethiopian Muslims movement took many by surprise. Ethiopia’s restive Muslim population has never before articulated their grievances in such a well coordinated manner. The government, aided by the terror-mongering western media, went to great pains to portray the basic demands of religious freedom as extremism, signaling the advent of the menace of political Islam in a "friendly" country. If the committee of 17 were the voice of Ethiopian Muslim protesters inside the country, Jawar was that voice from the outside. For keeping abreast with the movement for nearly a year, promoting, and analyzing with flair, sometimes in real-time, Jawar is OPride’s runner-up for Person of the Year.

Happy Holidays from OPride.com and its staff!

31, Decemeber 2012

OPride.

The Horn Times Newsletter, 28 December 2012
by Getahune Bekele

The unschooled and uncultured top war criminal Gen Samora is dying…

A poor peasant and a primary school dropout, who was described by senior political commentator as cold blooded murderer with thinking and reasoning capacity of a dinosaur, Gen Samora is dying…

According to a sensitive document leaked to the Horn Times from Bella military referral hospital in Addis Ababa, the frail TPLF army chief-of-staff and top November criminal, the dastardly Gen Samora Yenus Mohamedfereja, has less than a year to live.

And if he dies before being arrested and tried, Samora Yenus will be the fourth high profile TPLF war criminal to escape justice after the late fuehrer Meles Zenawi, former intelligence chief  Kinfe G.medhin and after former army commander the late Gen Hayelom Araya, who was killed during gun fight over a prostitute in one of Addis Ababa’s brothels.

Diagnosed with HIV AIDS in 2006 and declared a habitual defaulter for not taking his medication regularly, the illiterate and lowbrow Samora has been receiving treatment consisted of strengthening the body’s natural defense, killing bacteria and battling infection at Essen university hospital in Germany.

However, despite the impoverished Ethiopia footing his massive medical bill including the purchase of an expensive drug called zidovudine, the bawling warlord has developed new strain known as extensively drug-resistant (XDR) tuberculosis, which resisted all 8 second line drugs.

The intercepted document further revealed that the murderous warlord is suffering from other scourges as well; diabetes mellitus and hypertension, which complicated the costly multi-system treatments. And currently, he is not responding well to available medications both at home and abroad.

Hence insiders said he has reached the end of his tether.

The man who visited heartrending terrors up on the peoples of Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea is finally succumbing to the terror of the AIDS pandemic.

Born to Muslim family who were eking out a hard-scrabble living from subsistence farming in poverty stricken town of Axume-Tigraye in 1955, the wanderer assassin never practiced Islam due to his secular job as TPLF killing machine for nearly 40 years.

Samora first gained notoriety in 1977 when he executed 6 TPLF combatants for miner sexual offences and barbaricly urinated on their corpuses.

Although holocausts of deaths from such nerve-racking terrors were common in an outdated organization like the TPLF, an equally notorious former commander of Bado-6 prisons (a network of underground cells strewn across Tigraye), who is now living in the US town of Ohio as fugitive, Bisrat Amare, once described the dying Samora “a Terror guru” after watching him commit various other atrocities.

But most Ethiopians will remember Samora Yenus for the bloodcurdling war crimes he committed during the 2005 nationwide anti-TPLF uprising.

The oaf teamed up with federal police boss Workeneh Gebeyehu and nonchalantly pulled off a victory for his fuehrer by using ambulances filled with obdurate Tigre hoodlum dressed as paramedics to penetrate the crowed and exterminate leaders and organizers of the peaceful demonstration.

Nevertheless, the biggest crime of all was the use of Bella military referral hospital as army and federal police headquarter, where nonplussed and wounded protesters brought in by “ambulances” were watched bleed to death.

“We have defeated our enemy and straighten the path for Tigre People Liberation Front, TPLF, to rule until the second coming of Jesus Christ.” The unrepentant Samora said in 2007 after the late Zenawi gave him a comparative reward by promoting him to the rank of a General.

Furthermore, well placed sources inside the TPLF camp told the Horn Times that Samora used the promotion to amass wealth through corrupt practices and now he is the sole owner of a multi-million dollar shopping complex built in Addis Ababa’s Gofa Sefer district, next to St Gabriel orthodox church.

“I recently visited his glittering bronze statue which is placed at the prestigious Bete Mezeker library in Addis Ababa. Samora is well prepared for life after death.” A political analyst who requested anonymity said.

infohorntimes@gmail.com

Fax-o866502023

28,December 2012

ECADF NEWS.

A clash among Ethiopian soldiers who are stationed at Bure Front, a small disputed area on the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia that started on Tuesday 25, 2012 has taken the life of over 40 soldiers while 39 were wounded, Ethiopia Satellite Television (ESAT) reported.  The wounded are being treated at Manda Hospital. 

Perceiving that war between Ethiopia and Eritrea had erupted, residents were reportedly leaving the area. High ranking military officials were roving the area with helicopters in an attempt to control the violence, ESAT added. ESAT reported that there were various speculations about the cause of the violence:  some said it was caused due to disagreements between TPLF army officials while others say it was a clash between groups that support the leadership and those that oppose it. 

Bure is  50 miles west of Asseb. Eritrea considers Bure to be a part of its Southern Red Sea Zone, while Ethiopia considers Bure part of Administrative Zone 1 of its Afar Region. This area lies across the important Awash-Asseb highway, which in the past has been an important trucking route.The Front is lead by General Saere Mekonen. 

Watch the full video report below,

 

28,December 2012

DeBirhan

In the first in a series of collaborative reports about water problems around the world, Fred de Sam Lazaro of PBS reports on the shortage of potable water in Ethiopia and how the effort required to maintain existing watering points affects millions of people every day.

Transcript

WOMAN (through translator): We have no choice, this is the only option we have. We’re really desperate. We don’t have strength and we don’t have donkeys. Yes, my children are always getting ill, stomach aches, stomach aches, stomach aches.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: Keria Salo must balance concerns about her kids health against the perils of walking miles to what is called a community water point, or sometimes to an open pond or a river.

WOMAN (through translator): We usually go to the town to get water, but, even there, we always have to fight for a place in line. If you’re not from that area, you don’t get first preference. When you go further out, you always run into conflicts. The people with access to water are stronger.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: Perhaps three quarters of Ethiopia’s population do not have easy access to clean drinking water.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: It causes ripples throughout society. At a nearby school, the principal says water chores fall mostly to girls, who often come late or not at all.

ZERIHUN TEKLE, principal (through translator): It causes severe problems like dropouts, coming late, repeating classes, just regressing in terms of education. Plus, when they go further in the summer, when there’s less water, they get beaten up or abducted for marriages, which is another problem.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: For years, development experts thought, if they just put in enough water points, the problem would be solved. It didn’t take long for many they did install to stop functioning, says Meselich Seyoum, who works for a Britain-based non-government organization called Water Aid.

MESELICH SEYOUM, Water Aid: In most cases, those failures happened because there was no involvement of community from the beginning. There was this feeling of, we know what’s good for the people, and then we just go in, put the system, and leave. There was — there was no ownership, and there was no capacity of the community, not knowing how to even manage the system, so that it can last for a longer period of time.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: She says her agency now works in partnership with groups based in the country and with local communities.

In the village of Falka, this well-used facility was designed by an Ethiopian non-government group, Water Action. Because it’s arid here, the well is more than 1,000 feet deep and the water pumped up has to be treated for excessive fluoride.

Under the new approach, the aid groups provide engineering and scientific expertise, but it’s the villagers who must chip in, at least with their labor. In Falka, the community was given ownership and responsibility to maintain this facility. Every household pays about 50 cents a week, a rate set by local leaders. So far, the user fees have generated a fund balance of more than $1,000.

ABARRASH MUNATI, committee member (through translator): We have seven committee members who collect the money. They also educate on health issues. They bring it in once a week. So far, we have not had any complaints.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: Abarrash Munati is on a committee set up by community leaders to manage the water point. She lacks much formal education, but she knows about her community’s system and what it has accomplished.

ABARRASH MUNATI (through translator): The white tank takes water from down below. The blue one treats this thing fluoride, which we hear is bad for people. Our kids used to suffer from diarrhea, stomach aches, typhoid. It was also difficult for us to keep clean because we couldn’t get water and we couldn’t afford it. Plus, also, pregnant women would have to go a long way to get water. We had a lot of miscarriages.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: The fact that Abarrash Munati does not have to spend hours every day fetching water allows her time to be productive in other ways. And her family’s relative affluence is immediately visible in this home when you see these bags, stockpiles of cereals good for months for her family.

Her husband, Muhammad Hajji Siraj, agrees life is a lot easier for him and their five children.

MUHAMMAD HAJJI SIRAJ, Ethiopia (through translator): When she was away, we had to tend the farm, as well as the household. When the kids want their mommy, we have to tend them. Also, when they are late, we have to leave home and go in search of them. Now, with water closer by, we don’t have to worry about such things.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: They also don’t have to worry about interruptions in their water supply. Several local residents have been trained to maintain it. Some day, they plan to install another water point.

The key question, why are villages like Falka so rare? Experts say there isn’t enough money to cover all of rural Ethiopia. Yet, at the same time, only a fraction of funds the government has set aside have been spent.

Adane Kassa heads the group Water Action.

ADANE KASSA, Water Action: Fund scarcity, on one hand, is a problem, but, in reality, fund absorption is also a problem. This is because of the lack of — of capacity, capacity in terms of manpower, absorption, capacity in terms manpower and skills.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: That shows up in the report card from regions like Alaba, where the village of Falka is located, says Nuredin Hassan Lamacho, a regional government executive

NUREDIN HASSAN LAMACHO, regional government executive (through translator): So far, we have 16 dug wells. In addition, with help of governments and donors and our administration, we have dug a total of 34 boreholes. But this only reaches a third of the population. Two-thirds remain without clean water access.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: At the rate they’re going, he says, it will take 40 years to get a source of clean water to every village in his jurisdiction. So, mud puddles and risky treks will continue to be a way of life.

27,Decemeber 2012

Ethiopian Review

Bashir Makhtal says his grandfather's political involvement got him in trouble.As the sixth anniversary of the arrest and imprisonment of a Canadian citizen in Ethiopia approaches, preliminary negotiations are taking place for a possible prisoner transfer to Canada.

Bashir Makhtal, a 44-year-old who lived and worked in Toronto, was arrested on the border of Kenya and Somalia on December 30, 2006, after fleeing Mogadishu and the fall of the Islamic Courts Union.

He was questioned in Nairobi and eventually put on a top-secret flight to Ethiopia where he was eventually charged with multiple counts of terrorism for allegedly being a ringleader with the Ogaden National Liberation Front, an ethnic Somali group formed to fight for independence in the oil rich region. He was eventually found guilty and sentenced to a life prison term in 2009.

“The only thing I can tell you is they (Ottawa) want to go ahead with a prisoner transfer,” said Said Maktal, a cousin who has been spearheading a campaign to win his freedom.

“But that is something the Ethiopian government has to approve still. That’s the last hope for him.”

Makhtal had returned to Africa in 2002 to run a used clothing business out of Djibouti, a tiny country between Ethiopia and Somalia on the Horn of Africa.

Makhtal, his family and supporters have always maintained his innocence. Over the years the family and a loose knit group of supporters have lobbied for his release and called his sentencing to life by the Ethiopian courts a travesty of justice. Amnesty International has also taken up his case.

Mahktal said in a handwritten note obtained by the Star in 2011 the reason behind his arrest and trial was “because of my grandfather’s role in Ethiopian politics.” Makhtal’s grandfather, Makhtal Dahir, was one of the co-founders of the ONLF.

“It’s very disappointing after so many years that this is the only option they (Ottawa) could come up with,” said his cousin Said Maktal who is angered by the lack of political clout Canada brought to bear on the case.

He points to the fact that all of those who were arrested with Makhtal and sent to Ethiopia in January 2007 were eventually freed after their governments intervened on their behalf.

“I don’t understand why our government is so protective of the Ethiopian government . . . It’s so sad after six years he’s still in prison. And this is the citizen our government said on the record that they believe is innocent.”

If a prison transfer were to be approved, Makhtal would be transferred to a prison in Canada where he would continue serving his life sentence. “The conditions here are better than there and his family and wife will be able to see him,” said Maktal.

Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird declined to comment on the preliminary negotiations as did the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Baird has taken a personal interest in the case, saying that he and the Canadian government believe in Makhtal’s innocence. The minister took the unprecedented step of visiting Makhtal in his prison cell at the Kaiti Prison in February, 2010. And he has met with a variety of Ethiopian government officials to express Canada’s concern.

“The case remains a personal priority for the Minister,” said his press secretary Rick Roth. “The Minister continues to be actively engaged in Mr. Makhtal’s case and the department continues to provide Bashir with regular consular support.”

“Bashir Makhtal’s case continues to be a priority for this government and we will continue to advocate on his behalf,” added Barbara Harvey, a media spokesperson for Foreign Affairs.

the star

27,December 2012

• ‹‹አሁን መጠንቀቅ ያለብን ትበታተናለች፡፡ ብዙ የኦርቶዶክስ ቤተ ክርስቲያናት በኢትዮጵያ ሊፈጠሩ ይችላሉና በቅንነት ገምግመን እንዴት እንሂድ? እንቀይስ? ጊዜው አሁን ነው፡፡››
• ‹‹በሂወት ያላችኹ ጳጳሳት ምሕረትን አውርዱላት፡፡››

/አቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ስለ አቡነ ጳውሎስ ሞት በተዘጋጀው የሐዘን መግለጫ መዝገብ ላይ ካሰፈሩት/

 ይህን መረጃ ያገኘነውና የምናቀርብላችኹ÷ ከብፁዕ ወቅዱስ ፓትርያሪክ አቡነ ጳውሎስ ኅልፈት በኋላ የቤተ ክርስቲያንን አንድነት በዕርቀ ሰላም በማረጋገጥ እና ስድስተኛውን ፓትርያሪክ በመሾም መካከል የተከፋፈሉ የቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ አባላት አቋም መልክ ለይቶ በወጣበት ኹኔታ ውስጥ ነው፡፡ ከዚህም በመነሣት ተቋማዊ አነዋወራችን የሚያስጨንቃቸው ኦርቶዶክሳውያን ቤተ ክርስቲያን በመስቀለኛ መንገድ ላይ እንደኾነች በማመን ከፓትርያሪክ ምርጫው በፊት ሰላሟና አንድነቷ እንዲቀድም የተባበረ ድምፃቸውን እያሰሙ ነው፡፡

አቶ ስብሓት ነጋ

ቤተ ክርስቲያን አገራዊ ግዴታዋን ስትወጣ እንደነበረችና ለወደፊትም ታላቅ ሚና ሊኖራት እንደሚችል የጻፉት የኢትዮጵያ የሰላምና ልማት ኢንስቲትዩት ዋና ዳይሬክተርና የህወሓት መሥራቹ አቶ ስብሓት ነጋ÷ ‹‹አሁን የት ነች ብለን እናስብ፤ ደኅና ናት ወይ?›› በማለት ይጠይቃሉ – በአቡነ ጳውሎስ ኅልፈት የተሰማቸውን ሐዘን በጽሑፍ በገለጹበት መዝገብ፡፡

አቦይ ስብሓት ቤተ ክርስቲያን ‹‹የት ነች? ደኅና ነች?›› ብለው መጠየቃቸውን በራሱ በክፋት አናየውም፡፡ ቤተ ክርስቲያናችን ካለፉት ዘመናት ባልተለየ ኹኔታ ለኻያ አንድ ዓመታት ብሔራዊ ክብሯ ተዋርዶና ተቋማዊ ነጻነቷ ተደፍሮ እንድትዳከም የተደረገችው÷‹‹ኦርቶዶክሱን ማምከን ሙስሊሙን ማስከተት›› /Neutralizing the Church and Mobilizing Muslims/ በሚለው የእነ አቦይ የበረሓ ስትራቴጂ መኾኑን ስናስብ ግን ምናልባትም ጸጽቷቸው አልያም ከአቡነ ጳውሎስ የቀረውን የቤት ሥራ ‹ለማስቀጠል› ሊኾን ስለሚችል በጥንቃቄ እንመለከተዋለን፡፡ አሁን በቅርቡ እንኳ‹‹ከአማርኛ ተናጋሪዎችና ከኦርቶዶክስ አማኞች ለማጽዳት ›› ማለታቸው መች የሚረሳ ነው!!

አቦይ ስብሓት በሐዘን መግለጫቸው ‹‹ከአቡነ ጳውሎስ ኅልፈት በኋላ አመቺ ኹኔታ የተፈጠረ ይመስለኛል›› ቢሉም በአቡነ ጳውሎስ ‹ሌጋሲ› (በእርሳቸው አገላለጽ ትተውልን በሄዱት ካህናትና ጳጳሳት) ግና ጥርጣሬ ያላቸው ይመስላሉ፡፡ የካህናቶችዋ መንፈሳዊ ብቃትና አንድነት ጉዳይ ለአቦይ ስብሓት ጥያቄ ነው፤ ከ‹‹ጠባብነትና ትምክህት›› ነጻ መኾናቸውም እንዲሁ፡፡ የትምክህተኝነቱ ባይገባንም የጠባብነቱ ለም አፈር ግን የማን ነገረ ሥራ እንደኾነ ከአቦይ ስብሓት ኅሊና የሚሰወር አይመስለንም፡፡

ከኅትመት ውጪ በኾነችው የፍትሕ ጋዜጣ ‹‹አይረቡም›› ብለው ከሞለጯቸው ብፁዓን ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት ምን እንደቀራቸው እንጃ እንጂ አቦይ ስለ ጳጳሳቱ አንድነትና ብቃትም የተጨነቁ ይመስላሉ – ‹‹አቡነ ጳውሎስ ትተውልን የሄዱት ቤተ ክርስቲያንና ጳጳሳቱ ደኅና ኹና፣ መሪዎቿም አንድነታቸውን ጠብቀው ብቃታቸው ተጠናክሮ፣ ባጭሩ ጠንካራ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ትተውልን ከኾነ ቅርሳቸው እየተዘከረ ይኖራል፡፡››

አቦይ ስብሓት ስለ ቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱ መጪ ኹኔታ ያሰፈሩልን ሐሳብ እንደ ‹ንግር›/ትንቢት/ ባንቆጥረውም የወቅቱን የሀገር ውስጥና የውጭ ኹኔታችንን በማስተዋል /በአዲስ አበባ ከሀገረ ስብከት መዋቅር ተለይቶ በቦርድ ለመመራት የሚያስቡ አጥቢያዎች አሉ/ እንዲሁም ከጉዳዩ ጋራ በተያያዘ አቦይ የነበራቸውን የቀደመ ቅርበት በማስታወስ እየነዘረ፣ እየጠዘጠዘ እንደማያስተኛ ሕመም ኾኖብናል፡፡ አቦይ እንዲህ ይላሉ÷

ሰው ያልፋል፤ ተፈጥሮ ነው፡፡ አሁን መጠንቀቅ ያለብን ትበታተናለች፡፡ ብዙ

 የኦርቶዶክስ ቤተ ክርስቲያናት በኢትዮጵያ ሊፈጠሩ ይችላሉና በቅንነት

 ገምግመን እንዴት እንሂድ? እንቀይስ? ጊዜው አሁን ነው፡፡ አመቺ ኹኔታ

  የተፈጠረ ይመስለኛል፡፡

ስብሓት ነጋ ስለ አቡነ ጳውሎስ ኅልፈት በጽሑፍ ያሰፈሩት የሐዘን መግለጫ

አቡነ ጳውሎስ ‹‹ሰውና ወንድም በመኾናቸው›› ዕረፍታቸው በጣም እንደሚያሳዝናቸው በሐዘን መግለጫቸው መግቢያ ላይ የገለጹት አቦይ ስብሓት የሐዘን መግለጫቸውን ሲያጠናቅቁ ‹‹ነፍሳቸውን ይማርልን›› በማለት ተሰናብተዋል፡፡ ለሊቃነ ጳጳሳቱ ግን መልእክት አላቸው÷ ‹‹ዋና ነገር ምሕረት ለቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱ፡፡ በሂወት ያላችኹ ጳጳሳት ምሕረትን አውርዱላት፡፡››

አቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ስለ አቡነ ጳውሎስ ኅልፈት በጽሑፍ ያሰፈሩት የሐዘን መግለጫ

አቡነ ጳውሎስ ሰውና ወንድም በመኾናቸው ዕረፍታቸው በጣም ያሳዝነናል፤ ያሳዝነኛል፡፡ ትተውልን የሄዱት ቤተ ክርስቲያንና ጳጳሳቱ ደኅና ኹና፣ መሪዎቿም አንድነታቸውን ጠብቀው፣ ብቃታቸው ተጠናክሮ፣ ባጭሩ ጠንካራ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ትተውልን ከኾነ ደሞ ቅርሳቸው እየተዘከረ ይኖራል፡፡ ቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱ ሃገራዊ ግዴታዋን ስትወጣ የነበረች፣ ለወደፊቱ ታላቅ ሚና ሊኖራት የሚችል ስለኾነች አሁን የት አለች ብለን እናስብ !! ደኅና ናት ወይ? የካህናቶችዋ መንፈሳዊ ብቃትና አንድነትስ? ከጣባብነትና ከትምክህት ነጻ ናቸው? ሰው ያልፋል፤ ተፈጠሮ ነው፡፡ አሁን መጠንቀቅ ያለብን ትበታተናለች፡፡ ብዙ የኦርቶዶክስ ቤተ ክርስቲያናት በኢትዮጵያ ሊፈጠሩ ይችላሉና በቅንነት ገምግመን እንዴት እንሂድ? እንቀይስ? ጊዜው አሁን ነው፡፡ አመቺ ኹኔታ የተፈጠረ ይመስለኛል፡፡ አቡነ ጳውሎስ ነፍሳቸውን ይማርልን፡፡ ዋና ነገር ምሕረት ለቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱ፡፡ በሂወት ያላችኹ ጳጳሳት ምሕረት አውርዱላት፡፡

ምንጭ፡- ከብፁዕ ወቅዱስ ፓትርያሪክ አቡነ ጳውሎስ የ፹ ቀን መታሰቢያ ልዩ እትም መጽሔት

ብፁዕ ወቅዱስ ፓትርያሪክ አቡነ ጳውሎስ የ፹ ቀን መታሰቢያ ልዩ እትም መጽሔት